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- Política orçamental: como avaliar um orçamento do EstadoPublication . Mateus, AbelOs três objetivos de um orçamento são: (i) contribuir para o crescimento económico, através de uma melhor afetação de recursos, produção de bens públicos e investimento, e redução das distorções na economia; (ii) contribuir para a estabilização cíclica da economia, sobretudo dinamizando-a em períodos de recessão; e (iii) contribuir para uma economia mais equitativa, através da redistribuição do rendimento e acesso das classes de menor rendimento aos bens públicos e a um mínimo de rendimento. Todos estes objetivos devem ser prosseguidos respeitando as regras fiscais definidas pela União Europeia. Também haverá outros objetivos ou restrições que o orçamento deve prosseguir: (iv) estabilidade da dívida pública a longo prazo, que hoje é o elemento central das regras fiscais europeias; e (v) simplificação administrativa e transparência, assim como (vi) respeito pelas liberdades e escolhas democráticas. Este trabalho procura aplicar estes princípios ao OGE de 2025 de forma analítica, o que é um esquema que nos parece pioneiro, expondo uma metodologia que pode ser aplicada pelas diferentes instituições nacionais e internacionais numa análise macro da política orçamental.
- The European Union and the choice of the president of the commissionPublication . Sampaio, NunoDespite the ‘Sptizenkandidaten procedure’ was adopted in 2014, in 2019 the European Council broke with this method returning to a more intergovernmental process in the choice of the President of the European Commission. Many authors believe that the ‘Sptizenkandidaten method’ was fundamental to assure the legitimacy of the supranational institutions. However, this paper argues that this outcome is not surprising, as it results from the balance between the supranational and national institutions that coexist in the EU. To explain the argument this paper ask the following research questions: (1) What are the differences between 2014 and 2019 that may explain this evolution? (2) What does this process tells us about the political nature, the prospects of evolution, and the concepts of legitimacy and democracy of the European Union? The paper will unfold as following: in the first section it analysis the theoretical elements that explain the likelihood of change. The next three sections it will look at the empirical elements – independent variables – that changed the balance of power of the European political parties and towards member-states leading to this outcome. Those elements are (1) new perspectives of powerful political leaders; (2) new institutional balances within the European institutions; and (3) the new distribution of power in the European Parliament.1
- America’s 2024 election and Europe’s Middle East dilemmaPublication . Lukacs, Nils; Lozovan, Corina
- The instinctive multilateralist: Portugal and the politics of cooperationPublication . European Council on Foreign Relations; Franco, Lívia
- The strategic compass: uma Europa mais forte num ocidente mais coesoPublication . Ramos, António; Garcia, Francisco Proença; Gomes, Miguel Carvalho
- The evolution of the political role of the Russian Orthodox Church (1991–2021)Publication . Kolodiy, OlenaAfter the dissolution of the Soviet Union (USSR) in 1991, communism as an ideology andeconomic model appeared to lose its appeal worldwide. However, the attacks on liberal democracy,individual freedoms and universal human rights promoted by the USSR remained, now from adifferent actor within the post-soviet sphere: the Orthodox Church.This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the Russian Orthodoxy and Politics in thePutin Era. The methodology used is mainly qualitative: using as its main sources various documentsby the Russian Federation, the Russian Orthodox Church and various academic and news articles.This paper is divided in three main sections: The first section concerns the political role of theRussian Orthodox Church (ROC) in promoting the so-called “spiritual renewal of Russia” and“moral development of society” (National Security Concept). To achieve the goals previouslyreferred to, the official statements of the President of Russian Federation and the Patriarch of theRussian Orthodox Church will be scrutinized.The second section is divided in two subsections. The first subsection will focus on the role of theRussian Orthodox Church as an instrument and as a form of power in the hands of the Russiangovernment to expand its influence abroad and undermine the values of liberal democracy at thedomestic level and abroad. The second subsection will discuss the ROC as a conservative entitythat refuses to conform to new realities. It surmises with the thought that for Putin, Patriarch Kirillis rather a government minister than a religious leader. The third subsection will focus on the ROCand its important role in the increasing militarization of Russian society. It endorses the idea thatnuclear weapons can serve as a protection of Russia from the Western influence.The third section will draw an analysis of the Russkiy Mir quasi-ideology and its connection to theUkrainian Orthodox Church. The relevance of this symbiosis for the Patriarchate of Moscow willbe analyzed and the role played by the ROC in the ideological campaign led by Moscow againstKyiv will be inspected. Finally, the article aims to reflect on the medium to long-term effects of the2019 schism and the future challenges of the ROC.
- The EU's (leading) role in opposing China's threat to the Liberal International OrderPublication . Faria, Luís Leal deAt a time when China increasingly seems eager to become a hegemonic power throughauthoritarian means, this paper assesses whether EU’s unity and economic strength could be effective inlimiting the corrosive effects of China’s sharp power in the preservation of a liberal world order. For thispurpose, we first make a comparison between EU and China’s economies, namely through a comparativeassessment of quantitative data regarding the components of trade and investment. Then, we explore howthese economic links may also include a projection of sharp power by China, mostly visible through humanrights violations, breaches of rule of law, unfair competition, the theft of technology secrets, as well as therisk of undermining the very own integrity of the European project. Having this in mind, we then reflect onthe limits of doing business with China, trying to understand as to what extent the two distinct political andeconomic models are compatible with the preservation of a liberal order open to free and fair economicexchanges. In the end, while concluding that the Chinese model is increasingly threatening a stableinternational order, we also argue that the EU has a considerable economic deterrence power to push Chinainto respecting global defined rules and arrangements. While considering that the US’s leadership hasreached to a crisis, we argue that the EU (if united) has the opportunity, the economic capacity and even theduty to establish itself as the main promoter of what must remain a rules-based liberal international order.
- Assessing China and Angola relations: the implications of the 'Angola model’ of economic developmentPublication . Machado, PamelaThe increasingly close relationship between China and Africa has been extensively discussed in the international media as well as within the academic sphere: African countries play a key role in China's multi-billion project 'Belt and Road Initiative' (BRI) because the continent represents an important market opportunity for China to expand businesses and increase exports; on the receiving end, African leaders have been eager to take advantage of loans and credit lines offered by Beijing in order to spur economic development at home. Even though the BRI is said to be an economic project envisioned by the Chinese government, it has often been regarded as a tool of foreign policy as Beijing has deployed it to establish and strengthen diplomatic ties with developing countries, thus reshaping the geopolitical order. In the context of Africa, Angola has emerged as oneof China's main trading partners and much of the relationship between the two countries has centred around the use of Angola's vast oil reserves to secure infrastructure financing. This model of resource backed credit became known as 'the Angolan Model' and it was further adopted in other countries in Africa and Latin America. More than a decade after the first loan was secured, Angola finds itself in a fragile position: oil prices have hit record low levels in 2020, its economy struggles to grow and 45percent of its debt is owed to China. This paper aims to explore the relationship between China andAngola within the BRI framework, the merits and pitfalls of the 'Angolan model' of economic development, and proposes a reflection on the emerging role of China as a leading actor in the global political economy.
- Maritime studies: a conceptual framework For PortugalPublication . Ribeiro, António SilvaMaritime studies is a new transdisciplinary academic field within the social sciences, aimed at managing the challenges arising from Man's critical and ongoing relationship with the sea in matters of development and security. Due to its modernity, it is at an early stage of construction and composition of its scientific content and institutionalization. It is a fact that some courses on maritime studies are already being taught in several countries. However, due to its recent creation, this field of study has yet to produce a body of academic work of reference. For this reason, it is poorly known and there are not many scientific papers related to it. This scientific article aims to share some preliminary thoughts on how to develop and deliver such a course in our country. In addition, it intends to facilitate the understanding of how to structure the research lines of an academic body dedicated to the investigation and teaching of maritime studies. Furthermore, it contributes to the reflection on a possible way to achieve these two goals, taking advantage of the potential of teaching, research and development, as well as the resources, capabilities and competences of commercial, industrial, academic, applied science and maritime security and safety corporations that exist in Portugal.
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